Showing all posts tagged: inequity

The result of growing income inequity is opportunity inequity, or as I call it, inopportunity:

Will Hutton via The Observer

Robert Putnam, the pioneering social scientist whose book Bowling Alone set out an electrifying account of a new American loneliness, has been revealing the results of another round of social research. Class is becoming ever more important as a determinant of outcomes in American life; it now trumps race, he argues, and the differences can be observed very early on in the children of different classes. In particular the middle class of whatever ethnic background is spending more on what Putnam calls its children’s “enrichment activities” so important for psychological well being and character building; in fact they are spending 11 times more than those at the bottom. In 1972, working-class children from the bottom quartile of earners were just as likely to participate in a wide range of sporting and cultural events as children from the top quartile. No more. A chasm has opened, claims Putnam. Whether it is captaining a school sports team, winning an internship or being read to at night the middle-class child’s chances are at least two times better.

We need a new economic system that rejects and dismantles the power structures responsible for the precariousness of our age. We need a post-normal humanism, and soon.

Most of Hutton’s analysis is directed at the societal polarization of the elite in private schools as an obvious outcome of ‘bad capitalism’, but his prognosis is more general than his prescription:

Anthony Seldon, the master of Wellington College, charged by the prime minister with trying to persuade private schools to sponsor academies, acknowledged in these pages that most governing bodies did not want to bond with state schools. Parents would object. He found it demoralising and frustrating – worrying proof that independent schools had begun to lose their sense of moral vision.

The moral decline of private schools that Mr Seldon describes is the mirror image of the moral decline of much of our business and financial elite with similar origins: that the pursuit of individual advantage trumps obligations to others and the upholding of what society holds in common. Taxes are what little people pay. State schools are for hoi poloi, not us. Companies are only legal constructs to be bought and sold as casino chips — not social institutions that co-create wealth in a complex, iterative relationship with the society around them. Banks can lend indiscriminately, secure that losses will be socialised and gains privatised. Trade unions only inhibit the autonomy of management and qualify shareholder rights.

The core problem is the moral sclerosis of post-modern capitalism, the beggar-thy-neighbor, everyman-for-himself, exclusionary and avaricious capitalism of the globalist megacorporations, unrepentent Wall Street scam artists, and the profits-at-all-costs energy cartel.

If we have any hope to turn the corner, and avert what is looking more like a certain cliff for our world society, we need to quickly construct a post-normal economic regime, one that breaks with Hutton’s bad capitalism. We need an economic system that rejects and dismantles the power structures responsible for the precariousness of our age. We need a post-normal humanism, and soon. And one of its cornerstones must be the eradication of inopportunity.

The Change That Is Needed

David Brooks is doing his thing, again. He’s positioning his ‘side’ of the argument about economics as ‘structuralist’ while those of the left are ‘cycicalists’.

The Structural Revolution - David Brooks via NYTimes.com

There are several overlapping structural problems. First, there are those surrounding globalization and technological change. Hyperefficient globalized companies need fewer workers. As a result, unemployment rises, superstar salaries surge while lower-skilled wages stagnate, the middle gets hollowed out and inequality grows.

Then there are the structural issues surrounding the decline in human capital. The United States, once the world’s educational leader, is falling back in the pack. Unemployment is high, but companies still have trouble finding skilled workers.

Then there is political sclerosis. Over the decades, companies and other entities have implanted a growing number of special-interest deals into the tax and regulatory codes, making it harder for politically unconnected, new competitors, making the economy less dynamic.

These and other structural problems have retarded growth and wages for decades. Consumers tried to compensate by borrowing more. Politicians tried to compensate by reducing the tax bill, increasing deficit spending, ensuring easy credit for homebuyers and by helping workers shift out of the hypercompetitive, globalized part of the economy and into the less productive and more sheltered parts of the economy — mostly into health care, government and education.

But you can only mask structural problems for so long. The whole thing has gone kablooey. The current model, in which we try to compensate for structural economic weakness with tax cuts and an unsustainable welfare state, simply cannot last. The old model is broken. The jig is up.

Brooks makes the case for structuralism by accepting globalism as a given: ‘hyperefficient globalized companies need fewer workers. As a result, unemployment rises, superstar salaries surge while lower-skilled wages stagnate, the middle gets hollowed out and inequality grows.’

But then he runs and hides behind education, instead of asking what we can do about globalism. If hyperefficient globalized companies are destroying our economy, why don’t we stop that trend instead of reconfiguring our economy to benefit globalist companies?

I agree with Brooks that the jig is up, that the current world order is unsustainable, and that we shouldn’t try to get back to the status quo ante. But his prognosis and his prescription is completely wrong.

It was Bush and his wars and tax cuts that ran up the deficits and accelerated the inequity that eats at our society like a cancer, that has crushed the middle class and made the working class the new poor. It’s the special interests of globalist corporations that warps the economic sphere, not the welfare state: their prerogatives continue while we are choking off government support to the poor, unemployed, and ill.

More important is what is left unsaid: the true costs of this industrial economy — climatic, environmental, financial, and societal — have been externalized, with the difference making billionaires richer, driving a divisive wedge into our interconnected world society. Most of us have been marginalized, our interests discounted, our lives made precarious, so that this system can persist, and so that the few can benefit.

Something has to change, but Brooks’ vision is too small bore to see how large a change is needed. It will have to be more significant than the arguments that Obama and Romney are throwing back and forth. When people start talking about the things that are left unsaid by Democrats and Republicans — who are really two wings of the political engine that dominates political discourse and governance in the US — then we might be taking the first steps in the change that is needed.

Corporate profits are up but the money isn’t flowing to American workers. The ratio of profits to wages is the highest on record – since the government began keeping track in 1947. Not only has the median wage continued to drop, adjusted for inflation, but a far smaller share of working-age Americans is now employed (58.6 percent) than was employed five years ago (63.3 percent). Today’s employment-to-population ratio isn’t much higher than it was at its lowest point last summer, when it dropped to 58.2 percent.

Robert Reich (via azspot)

(via azspot)

“Important Watches” selling for hundreds of thousands of dollars, while the world spirals into disaster.

kateoplis:

Bernie Sanders calls out the top corporate tax dodgers on the Senate floor today. My love for this man knows no bounds.

(via soupsoup)

A system in which only the little people have to obey the law, while the rich, and bankers especially, can cheat and defraud without consequences.

Paul Krugman, Another Inside Job